PARADISES LOST by Jared Diamond
WHEN THE MULTINEERS FROM HMS BOUNTY LANDED ON PITCAIRN ISLAND, THEY FOUND NO PEOPLE -- JUST A DESOLATE LAND MARKED BY THE RELICS OF A VANISHED SOCIETY. THE STORY OF THAT LOST CIVILIZATION IS JUST NOW BEING LEARNED. AND IT'S FAR MORE FRIGHTENING THAN ANY TALE OF CAPTAIN BLIGH.
MANY CENTURIES AGO, immigrants came to a fertile land blessed with
apparently inexhaustible natural resources. It lacked a few raw materials
that were important for industry, but they were readily obtained by overseas
trade. For a time, the land and its neighbors prospered, and their people
multiplied.
But the population of the rich land grew too large for even its abundant
resources. As its forests were stripped and its soils eroded, the land could
no longer nourish even its own population, let alone grow food for export.
Then, as trade declined, the imported raw materials began to run short. A
kaleidoscopically changing succession of local military leaders overthrew
established political institutions, and civil war spread. To survive, the
starving populace turned to cannibalism. The fate of their former overseas
trading partners was even worse: deprived of the imports on which they had
depended, they ravaged their own environments until no one was left alive.
We don't know yet if this grim sequence of events represents our own future,
but we do know that the scenario has already played itself out on three
tropical Pacific islands. One of them, Pitcairn, is famous as the island to
which the mutineers from HMS Bounty fled in 1790. Unpeopled and very remote,
Pitcairn offered a hiding place for Fletcher Christian and his mates from
the vengeful British Navy. But although Pitcairn was indeed uninhabited when
they landed, the mutineers found evidence that it wasn't always so: temple
platforms, petroglyphs, and stone tools gave mute testimony to Pitcairn's
former Polynesian settlers. Farther east, an even more remote island named
Henderson remains uninhabited to this day, yet it too bears abundant marks
of a former Polynesian population. What happened to those original Pitcairn
Islanders and to their vanished cousins on Henderson?
The romance and mystery of the Bounty, retold in so many books and films,
are matched by the earlier tales of these two populations and their
mysterious ends. Basic information about them has only recently emerged,
thanks to excavations by archeologist Marshall Weisler, who spent eight
months on these lonely outposts as part of his graduate studies at the
University of California at Berkeley during the early 1990s.
He found that the fates of the first Pitcairners and the Henderson Islanders
were linked to a slowly unfolding environmental catastrophe hundreds of
miles away, on their more populous island trading partner Mangareva, where
the inhabitants survived at the cost of a drastically lowered standard of
living. While much mystery remains, enough is already known to warn us that
these three seemingly exotic islands may carry a vivid and important lesson
for our times. Just as the collapse of the Polynesian society on Easter
Island warns us that environmental mismanagement can destroy those guilty of
it, the fates of the people who lived on Pitcairn and Henderson warn us that
societies can also be annihilated by the environmental mistakes of others.
THE POLYNESIAN EXPANSION WAS THE MOST dramatic burst of overwater
exploration in human history. Until around 1500 B.C., humans from the Asian
mainland, traveling through Indonesia's islands to Australia and New Guinea,
had advanced no farther east into the Pacific than the Solomon Islands. But
around that time, a seafaring and farming people apparently originating in
the Bismarck Archipelago northeast of New Guinea swept nearly 2,000 miles
across the open oceans east of the Solomons to reach Fiji, Samoa, and Tonga
and to become the ancestors of the Polynesians. While the Polynesians lacked
compasses, writing, and metal tools, they were masters of navigational arts
and of sailing canoe technology. Abundant archeological evidence at
radiocarbondated sites--such as pottery and stone tools, remains of houses
and temples, food debris, and human skeletons--testifies to the approximate
dates and routes of their expansion. By around A.D. 1000, the Polynesians
had reached every habitable scrap of land in the vast watery triangle of
ocean whose apexes are Hawaii, New Zealand, and Easter Island.
Historians used to assume that all those Polynesian islands were discovered
and settled by chance, when canoes full of fishermen happened to get blown
off course. It is now clear, however, that both the discoveries and the
settlements were meticulously planned: since much of Polynesia was settled
against the prevailing winds and currents, it is unlikely that voyagers
could have arrived by drifting. Furthermore, they carried with them many
species of crops and livestock deemed essential to the new colonies'
survival, from taro to bananas and from pigs to chickens--a transfer that
was certainly deliberate.
Among the most remote parts of Polynesia was the southeast, whose sole
habitable islands are Mangareva, Pitcairn, and Henderson. Even Mangareva,
the western most of those islands, lies about 1,000 miles from the nearest
habitable islands outside southeast Polynesia, such as Tahiti and the
Marquesas. By the time settlers reached the southeast, sometime between A.D.
800 and 1000, most of the rest of Polynesia, except perhaps New Zealand, had
already been discovered and settled.
Of those three habitable islands, the one most abundantly endowed with
natural resources important to humans, and capable of supporting the largest
human population, was Mangareva. It consists of a large lagoon 15 miles in
diameter, sheltered by an outer reef enclosing two dozen extinct volcanic
islands and a few coral atolls, with a total land area of ten square miles.
The lagoon, its reefs, and the nearby ocean teem with fish and shellfish.
Especially valuable to Polynesian settlers was the black-lipped pearl
oyster, of which the lagoon offered virtually inexhaustible quantities. Not
only could they eat the oyster itself, but its thick shell, up to eight
inches long, was an ideal raw material for carving into fishhooks, vegetable
peelers and graters, and ornaments.
The higher islands of Mangareva's lagoon receive enough rain to have springs
and intermittent streams, and they were originally forested. Polynesian
colonists built their settlements in the narrow band of flat land around the
coasts. On the slopes behind the villages they grew crops such as sweet
potato and yams; on terraced slopes and fiats below the springs they planted
taro, which they irrigated with springwater; and on higher elevations they
grew tree crops, such as breadfruit and bananas. Mangareva would have been
able to support a human population of several thousand, more than ten times
the likely combined populations of Pitcairn and Henderson in Polynesian
times.
From a Polynesian perspective, Mangareva's most significant drawback was its
lack of high-quality stone for making adzes and other tools. (That's as if
the United States contained every important natural resource except
high-grade iron deposits.) The coral atolls in the lagoon had no good stone
at all, and even the volcanic islands offered only relatively coarse-grained
basalt, which was adequate for building houses and garden walls, for using
as oven stones, and for fashioning into canoe anchors and crude tools but
which yielded only inferior adzes.
Fortunately, that deficiency was spectacularly remedied on Pitcairn, the
much smaller (less than two square miles) and steeper extinct volcanic
island lying 250 miles southeast of Mangareva. Imagine the excitement when
the first canoeload of Mangarevans discovered Pitcairn: after several days'
travel on open ocean, they spied the island, landed at its only feasible
beach, scrambled up the steep slopes, and came upon Down Rope Quarry,
southeast Polynesia's sole usable lode of volcanic glass, whose flakes could
serve as sharp tools for fine cutting tasks--the Polynesian equivalent of
scissors and scalpels. Their excitement would have turned to ecstasy when,
barely a mile farther west along the coast, they discovered the Tautama lode
of fine-grained basalt, which became southeast Polynesia's biggest quarry
for making adzes.
In other respects, Pitcairn offered much more limited opportunities than
Mangareva. It did have intermittent streams, and in its forests grew trees
large enough to fashion into the hulls of outrigger canoes. But Pitcairn was
too small and steep to afford much land suitable for agriculture.
Furthermore, because Pitcairn's coastline lacks a reef, and the surrounding
sea bottom falls off steeply, fishing and searching for shellfish are much
less rewarding than on Mangareva; in particular, Pitcairn has no
black-lipped pearl oysters. Hence the total population of Pitcairn in
Polynesian times was probably not much greater than a hundred people. The
descendants of the original 27 Bounty mutineers and their Polynesian
companions living on Pitcairn today number only 52. When their number
climbed to 194 in the year 1856, that population overtaxed Pitcairn's
agricultural potential, and many people had to be evacuated by the British
government to a distant island.
The remaining habitable island of southeast Polynesia, Henderson, is the
largest (14 square miles) but also the most remote (70 miles northeast of
Pitcairn; 300 miles east of Mangareva) and the most marginal for human
existence. Unlike Mangareva or Pitcairn, Henderson is not volcanic--it's a
coral reef that geologic processes thrust up 100 feet above sea level and is
therefore devoid of basalt or other volcanic rocks suitable for toolmaking.
That's an awful limitation for a society of makers of stone tools. To make
matters worse, because the island consists of porous limestone, Henderson
has no streams or reliable freshwater. At best, water drips from the roofs
of caves and puddles on the ground few days after the unpredictable arrival
of rain. During Marshall Weisler's months on Henderson, he found it a
constant effort to obtain drinking water, even with modern tarpaulins to
catch the rain.
Henderson's tallest trees are only about 40 feet high, not big enough to
fashion into canoe hulls. Its beaches are narrow and confined to the north
and east end, and the south coast consists of vertical cliffs where it is
impossible to land a boat. There, alternating rows of razor-sharp limestone
ridges and fissures are capable of cutting your hands to shreds if you fall.
Europeans have reached the south end only three times, including Weisler's
trip. It took Weisler, wearing hiking boots, five hours to cover the five
miles from Henderson's north coast to its south coast--were he discovered a
rock shelter formerly occupied by barefoot Polynesians.
Offsetting these fearsome disadvantages, Henderson does have attractions. In
the reef and shallow waters nearby live lobsters, crabs, octopuses, and a
limited variety of fish and shellfish, unfortunately not including the
black-lipped pearl oyster. Each year, green turtles come ashore to lay eggs
on the beaches. Henderson used to support at least 17 species of breeding
seabirds, including petrel colonies possibly as large as millions of birds,
whose adults and chicks would have been easy to catch on the nest. There
were enough birds for a hundred people to eat one apiece, every day of the
year, without endangering the colonies' survival. The island was also home
to nine species of resident land birds, several of them flightless or weak
fliers, including three species of pigeons that must have been especially
delectable.
All these features would have made Henderson a great place for an afternoon
picnic ashore, or for a short vacation to glut yourself on seafood and birds
and turtles--but a risky and marginal home in which to try to eke out a
permanent existence. Weisler's excavations nevertheless showed, to the
surprise of anyone who has seen or heard of Henderson, that the island did
evidently support a permanent tiny population of perhaps a few dozen people.
A huge buried midden--an accumulation of shells and of bird and fish bones
and other garbage left behind from generations of people feasting--runs 300
yards along the beach. Every cave and rock shelter near the coast with a
flat floor and accessible opening--even small recesses only two by three
yards wide, barely large enough for two people to sit there protected from
the sun--contained human debris testifying to former habitation. Charcoal,
piles of stones, and relict stands of crop plants showed that the northeast
part of the island had been burned and laboriously converted to garden
patches where crops could be planted in pockets of soil. Among the crops and
useful plants that the settlers must have introduced intentionally, Weisler
found, were coconuts and bananas, several species of timber trees, candlenut
trees whose nut husks are burned for illumination, hibiscus trees yielding
fiber for making rope, and the ti shrub. The latter's sugary roots serve
only as an emergency food supply elsewhere in Polynesia but were evidently a
staple vegetable food on Henderson. Ti leaves could be used to make
clothing, house thatching, and food wrappings.
Thus, southeast Polynesia presented colonists with only a few potentially
habitable islands, each with more or less serious drawbacks. But as
Weisler's excavations show, they managed. He uncovered extensive evidence of
trade among all three islands, whereby each island's surpluses filled the
other islands' deficiencies. Trade objects, even stone ones lacking organic
carbon suitable for radiocarbon dating, can be dated from radiocarbon
measurements on charcoal excavated from the same archeological layer. In
that way, Weisler established that trade began by A.D. 1000, probably
simultaneously with the first settlement by humans, and continued for many
centuries. Numerous objects excavated at Weisler's sites on Henderson could
immediately be identified as imports because they were made from materials
foreign to Henderson: oyster-shell fishhooks, volcanic-glass cutting tools,
and basalt adzes and oven stones.
Where did those imports come from? A reasonable guess, of course, is that
oyster shell for fishhooks came from Mangareva--other islands with oyster
beds are much more distant. A few oyster-shell artifacts have also been
found on Pitcairn and are similarly presumed to have come from Mangareva.
But it is a much more difficult problem to identify sources of the
volcanic-stone artifacts found on Henderson, because both Mangareva and
Pitcairn, as well as many other distant Polynesian islands, have
volcanic-stone sources.
Hence Weisler developed or adapted techniques for discriminating among
volcanic stones from different sources. Volcanoes spew out many different
types of lava, of which basalt (the category of volcanic stone occurring on
Mangareva and Pitcairn) is defined by its chemical composition and color.
However, basalts from different islands, and often even from different
quarries on the same island, differ from each other in finer details of
chemical composition, such as their relative contents of sodium, potassium,
niobium, and strontium. An even finer discriminating detail is that lead
occurs naturally in several forms, or isotopes, whose proportions also
differ from one basalt source to another. To a geologist, these details of
composition constitute a fingerprint identifying the source of a stone.
Weisler arranged for analyses of chemical composition and lead-isotope
ratios in dozens of stone tools and fragments that he had excavated from
dated layers of archeological sites on Henderson. For comparison, he
analyzed volcanic rocks from quarries and other potential sources of useful
rocks on Mangareva and Pitcairn. Just to be sure, he also analyzed volcanic
rocks from more distant Polynesian islands, including Hawaii, Easter, the
Marquesas, and Samoa.
The conclusions that emerged from these analyses were unequivocal. All
analyzed pieces of volcanic glass found on Henderson originated at the Down
Rope quarry- on Pitcairn. Most of Henderson's basalt adzes also originated
on Pitcairn, but some came from Mangareva. On Mangareva itself, although far
fewer searches have been made for stone artifacts there than on Henderson,
some adzes were also evidently made from Pitcairn's high-quality basalt.
Conversely, of the vesicular basalt stones excavated on Henderson, most came
from Mangareva, but a minority were from Pitcairn. Such stones were
regularly used throughout Polynesia as oven stones, to be heated in a fire
for cooking, much like the charcoal bricks used in modern barbecues. Those
putative oven stones on Henderson showed signs of having been heated,
confirming their surmised function.
In short, archeological studies have now documented a former flourishing
trade in raw materials and possibly also in finished tools: in pearl shell,
from Mangareva to Pitcairn and Henderson; in volcanic glass, from Pitcairn
to Henderson; and in basalt, from Pitcairn to Mangareva and Henderson, and
from Mangareva to Henderson. In addition, Polynesia's pigs and its bananas,
taro, and other main crops are species that did not occur on Polynesian
islands before humans arrived. If Mangareva was settled before Pitcairn and
Henderson, as seems likely because Mangareva is the closest of the three to
other Polynesian islands, then trade from Mangareva probably also brought
the indispensable crops and pigs to Pitcairn and Henderson. Especially at
the time when Mangareva's colonies on Pitcairn and Henderson were being
founded, the canoes bringing imports from Mangareva represented an umbilical
cord essential for populating and stocking the new colonies.
As for what products Henderson exported to Pitcairn and Mangareva in return,
we can only guess. They must have been perishable items unlikely to survive
in Pitcairn and Mangareva archeological sites, since Henderson lacks stones
or shells worth exporting. One plausible candidate is live sea turtles,
which today breed m southeast Polynesia only on Henderson, and which
throughout Polynesia were prized as a prestigious luxury food consumed
mainly by chiefs--like truffles and caviar nowadays. A second candidate is
red feathers from Henderson's parrot, fruit dove, and red-tailed tropic
bird, red feathers being another luxury item used for ornaments and feather
cloaks in Polynesia, analogous to gold and sable.
Then as now, however, exchanges of raw materials, manufactured items, and
luxuries would not have been the sole motive for transoceanic trade and
travel. Even after Pitcairn's and Henderson's populations had grown to their
maximum possible size, their numbers--about a hundred and a few dozen
individuals, respectively--were so low that people must have had trouble
finding marriage partners not forbidden by incest taboos. Hence exchanges of
marriage partners would have been an additional important function of the
trade with Mangareva. It would also have served to bring craftspeople with
technical skills from Mangareva's large population to Pitcairn and
Henderson, and to reimport crops that by chance died out in those islands'
small cultivable areas. In the same way, more recently, the supply fleets
from Europe were essential not only for populating and stocking but also for
maintaining Europe's colonies in America and Australia, which required a
long time to develop even the rudiments of self-sufficiency.
From the perspective of Mangarevans and Pitcairn Islanders, there would have
been still another probable function of the trade with Henderson. The
journey from Mangareva to Henderson would take three or four days by
Polynesian sailing canoes; from Pitcairn to Henderson, about one day. To
Pacific seafaring peoples, who sail their canoes five days just to buy
cigarettes, such journeys are part of normal life.
For the former Polynesian inhabitants of Mangareva or Pitcairn, a visit to
Henderson for a week would have been a wonderful picnic, a chance to feast
on turtles, birds, and their eggs. To Pitcairn Islanders, living on an
island without reefs or calm inshore waters or rich shellfish beds,
Henderson would also have been attractive for fish, shellfish, and just for
the chance to hang out on the beach. Descendants of the Bounty mutineers
today, bored with their tiny island prison, jump at the chance for a
"vacation" on the beach of a coral atoll a hundred miles away.
TRADE WITHIN SOUTHEAST POLYNESIA CONtinued from about A.D. 1000 to 1450, as
gauged by dates assigned to artifacts on Henderson. But by A.D. 1500 the
trade had stopped. Later archeological layers on Henderson contain no more
imported pearl shell, volcanic glass, fine-grained basalt for cutting tools,
or basalt oven stones. Apparently the canoes were no longer arriving from
either Mangareva or Pitcairn. Because trees on Henderson itself are too
small to make canoes, Henderson's tiny population was now trapped on one of
the most remote, most daunting islands in the world. Henderson Islanders
confronted a problem that seems to us insoluble: how to survive on a raised
limestone reef without any metal, without stones other than limestone, and
without imports of any type.
They survived in ways that strike me as a mixture of ingenious, desperate,
and pathetic. For the raw material of adzes, in place of stone, they turned
to shells of giant clams. For awls, they fell back on bird bones. For oven
stones, they turned to limestone or coral or giant clamshell, all of which
are far inferior to basalt because they retain heat for less time, tend to
crack after heating, and cannot be reused as often. They now made their
fishhooks out of purse shells, which are much smaller than black-lipped
pearl shells, yielding only one hook per shell and restricting the types of
hooks that can be fashioned.
Radiocarbon dates suggest that, struggling on in this way, Henderson's
population of originally a few dozen people survived for several
generations, possibly a century or more, after all contact with Mangareva
and Pitcairn was cut. But by 1606, the year of Henderson's "discovery" by
Europeans, when a boat from a passing Spanish ship landed on the island and
saw no one, Henderson's population had ceased to exist. Pitcairn's
population we know disappeared by 1790 (the year when the Bounty mutineers
arrived to find the island uninhabited), and probably much earlier.
Why did Henderson's contact with the outside world come to a halt? Because
of environmental changes on Mangareva and Pitcairn. All over Polynesia, when
people settled on islands that had developed for millions of years in the
absence of humans, habitat damage and mass extinctions of plants and animals
inevitably followed. Mangareva was no exception. After the islanders
deforested most of the island's hilly interior to plant their gardens, rain
carried topsoil down the steep slopes, and a savanna of ferns, which were
among the few plants able to grow on the now-denuded ground, replaced the
forest. Eventually, little land was left for gardening and tree crops.
Deforestation indirectly reduced yields from fishing as well, because no
trees large enough to build canoes remained: when Europeans came to
Mangareva in 1797, the islanders had no canoes, only rafts.
With too many people and too little food, hunger on Mangareva became
chronic. Modern islanders tell how, starved for protein, people turned to
cannibalism, not only eating freshly dead people but also digging up buried
corpses. Chronic warfare broke out over the precious remaining cultivable
land; the winning side redistributed the land of the losers. Instead of an
orderly political system based on hereditary chiefs, nonhereditary warriors
took over. All that political chaos alone would have made it difficult to
muster the manpower and supplies necessary to cross the ocean, even if there
had been trees left for canoes. While much less is known about environmental
changes on Pitcairn, Weislet's limited archeological excavations indicate
massive deforestation and soil erosion there as well.
Henderson itself also suffered environmental damage that reduced its human
carrying capacity. Half its species of land birds, and colonies of four of
its species of breeding seabirds, were exterminated. Those extinctions
probably resulted from a combination of hunting for food, habitat
destruction for gardens, and depredations of rats that arrived as stowaways
in Polynesian canoes. Today those rats continue to prey on the remaining
seabirds, which evolved in the absence of rats and so are unable to defend
themselves.
Thus, environmental damage, leading to social and political chaos and to
loss of timber for canoes, ended southeast Polynesia's interisland trade,
cutting Mangarevans off from Pitcairn's sources of high-quality stone for
making tools. For the inhabitants of Pitcairn and Henderson, the results
were even worse: eventually no one was left alive on those islands.
The disappearance of Pitcairn's and Henderson's populations must have
resulted somehow from the severing of the Mangarevan umbilical cord. Life on
Henderson, always difficult, surely became far more so with the loss of all
imported volcanic stone. Did everyone die simultaneously in a mass calamity,
or did the populations gradually dwindle down to a single survivor living
alone with memories for many years? That actually happened to the Indian
population of San Nicolas Island off Los Angeles, reduced finally to one
woman who survived in complete isolation for 18 years. Did the last
Henderson Islanders spend time on the beaches, generation after generation,
staring out to sea in the hopes of sighting the canoes that had stopped
coming, until even the memory of what a canoe looked like grew dim?
WHILE THE DETAILS OF HOW HUMAN life flickered out on Pitcairn and Henderson
remain unknown, I can't tear myself free of the mysterious drama. In my
head, I run through alternative endings of the movie, guiding my speculation
by what I know actually did happen to some other isolated societies. When
people are trapped together, enemies can no longer resolve tensions merely
by moving apart. Those tensions may have exploded in mass murder, which
later nearly destroyed the colony of Bounty mutineers on Pitcairn. Islanders
could also have eaten each other, as happened to the Mangarevans, Easter
Islanders, and-closer to home for Americans--the Donner party in California.
Perhaps people grown desperate killed themselves, or gave way to insanity,
like some members of the Belgian Antarctic Expedition, whose ship was
trapped by ice for more than a year in 1898-1899. Or they may simply have
starved, like Japan's garrison stranded on Wake Island during World War II.
Then my mind turns to gentler possible endings of the movie. After a few
generations of isolation on Pitcairn or Henderson, everyone in their
microsociety of a hundred or a few dozen people would have been too closely
related to marry without violating incest taboos. Hence people may just have
grown old together and stopped having children, as happened to California's
last surviving Yahi Indians, the famous Ishi and his three companions. If
the small population continued to interbreed, congenital physical anomalies
probably proliferated, as deafness has on Martha's Vineyard Island off
Massachusetts and on the remote Atlantic island of Tristan da Cunha.
We may never know which way the movies of Pitcairn and Henderson actually
ended. Regardless of the final details, though, the main outline of the
story is already clean The populations of Mangareva, Pitcairn, and Henderson
all inflicted heavy damage on their environments and destroyed many of the
resources necessary for their own lives. Mangarevans were numerous enough to
survive, albeit under chronically terrifying conditions and with a
drastically reduced standard of living. But the inhabitants of Pitcairn and
Henderson depended on imports of agricultural products, technology, raw
materials, and people from Mangareva. Once Mangareva could no longer sustain
exports, not even the most heroic efforts to adapt could save them.
Pitcairn and its neighbors seem exotic and remote to Americans, and it's
easy to think that nothing similar could ever happen to us. Looking around
us, we see no signs of imminent collapse. Our forests are green, water flows
fresh, food is abundant, and peace reigns. But all that was once true on
Mangareva and Pitcairn too, when starvation and universal death loomed in
the near future. What we should examine are not current conditions but
current trends--and those are ominous.
An obvious difference between modern America and ancient southeast Polynesia
is in our increasing connectedness. The societies of Mangareva, Pitcairn,
and Henderson were joined only to one another, so when they collapsed or
died out, no other societies were affected. Today all human societies are
interconnected, even those of southeast Polynesia. Although Pitcairn may
still rank as the most remote inhabited island in the world, modern Pitcairn
Islanders look to ships from New Zealand for supplies. New Zealand in turn
depends on Australia and Europe and America, which depend on each other and
on everybody else. A survey of garbage washed up on the beaches of
"pristine" uninhabited atolls near Pitcairn revealed 130 glass bottles from
at least 14 different countries (dominated by Suntory whiskey botdes from
Japan), plus a remarkable assortment of other objects, including 65
lightbulbs, 32 shoes, a bicycle pedal, a football, and a Watney's beer
barrel.
As a result of modern high-speed travel, trouble in any part of the world
can lead to trouble anywhere else, no matter how distant. We Americans, who
60 years ago clung to the isolationist notion of Fortress America, have
recently become painfully aware that environmental disasters abroad pose as
much risk to us as do disasters at home. Political instability in
ecologically ravaged faraway lands has required the dispatch of American
troops to Somalia and Bosnia, involved us in fullscale war in the Persian
Gulf, led to an oil embargo and high gas prices, and propelled streams of
illegal immigrants desperate enough to swim ashore from ships.
Looming especially large in America's future are the awful environmental
problems of neighboring Mexico, compounding our superabundance of homegrown
ecological disasters. With its fragile environment, shrinking natural
resources, and growing population, Mexico suffers from widespread poverty
and political unrest. How much more enormous will be the stresses on Mexico,
hence on us, 20 years from now, when Mexico has even more people and far
fewer environmental resources?
Now as then, neighbors stand or fall together. But the definition of
neighbors has changed to encompass the world. The bad news is that we are
exporting our problems to all countries, which are in turn exporting their
problems to us. The good news is that we have a choice, which the ancient
Polynesians never had. We now know, as they could not, of the fates that
environmental mismanagement visited upon past societies.
PHOTO (COLOR): MANGAREVA, PITCAIRN, AND HENDERSON are the only habitable
spots in a vast, remote region Of the Polynesian triangle of settlement.
PHOTO (COLOR): MANGAREVA CORAL ATOLLS and volcanic islands, on one of which
lies Mount Duff, the lagoon's tallest peak.
PHOTO (COLOR): THREE TAUTAMA BASALT ADZES and assorted tools of stone,
volcanic glass, and coral.
PHOTO (COLOR): BECAUSE PITCAIRN'S COASTLINE has no reef, and the surrounding
sea bottom falls off steeply, shellfish and fish are difficult to obtain.
PHOTO (COLOR): RAIN ESCAPES through Henderson's porous limestone. But what
the island lacked in freshwater, it once made up in delectable wildlife.
PHOTO (COLOR): PEOPLE ONCE LIVED in every one of Henderson's tiny caves and
rock shelters.
PHOTO (COLOR): HOW TO MAKE A FISHHOOK: Henderson had no large black-lipped
pearl oysters; its residents had to make do with smaller shells.
PHOTO (COLOR): HENDERSON WAS RICH in luxury exports, such as green sea
turtles and red feathers from red-tailed tropic birds.
~~~~~~~~
By Jared Diamond
-------------------
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Source: Discover, Nov97, Vol. 18 Issue 11, p68, 9p, 9c.
Item Number: 9710214806
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Record: 25
T
Title: Paradises lost.
Subject(s): PITCAIRN Island -- History; HENDERSON Island (Pitcairn Island)
-- History
Source: Discover, Nov97, Vol. 18 Issue 11, p68, 9p, 9c
Author(s): Diamond, Jared
Abstract: Discusses the histories of Pitcairn and Henderson
civilizations. Polynesia expansion during 1500 B.C.;
Description of Pitcairn's environment; Trade; Effect on
Pitcairn and Henderson societies of environmental
mismanagement.
AN: 9710214806
ISSN: 0274-7529
Lexile: 1410
Note: The Library has this title
Database: MAS FullTEXT Ultra